Friday, March 1, 2019

Monday, February 25, 2019

No national party can form govt at Centre sans backing of regional parties, says JP


Regional parties will dominate post 2019 polls: Jayaprakash


పదవుల కోసం ఎన్నికల్లో లోక్ సత్తా పోటీ చేయదు


ఇవి ఎన్నికలు కాదు. వేలం పాటలు


ఉచితాలతో జీవితాలు బాగుపడవు


నగదు బదిలితోనే అవినీతికి చెక్


ఫెడరల్ వ్యవస్థకు నాంది పలకాలి


వచ్చే ఎన్నికల్లో ధన రాజకీయలకే పెద్దపీట


Saturday, February 16, 2019

Friday, February 1, 2019

Lok Satta Times Feb 1st-15th, 2019

Lok Satta Times Feb 1st-15th, 2019 can be downloaded from the following link.

http://www.loksatta.org/documents/lstimes/lstimes-2019-02-01-15.pdf

పాలనను చూసి ఓటేయమనే సాహసం లేని ప్రభుత్వపు ఆపద మొక్కుల ఎన్నికల బడ్జెట్: జేపీ


North Andhra forum releases status report on Centre’s ‘unkept’ promises


It suggests the way forward on SCS; calls for time-bound completion of projects

The Uttarandhra Charcha Vedika (UCV) on Thursday released a status report on the promises that were yet to be fulfilled by the Central government even four years after the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh.

The status report was released at AP Bhavan in New Delhi.

The 114-page report gave details of how the bifurcated State lost on the social, economic and infrastructure fronts due to the Centre’s intransigence vis-a-vis implementing the provisions of the A.P. Re-organisation Act, 2014.

This was part of the ‘jana ghosha’ launched by UCV convener and former Minister Konathala Ramakrishna.

The report was published by the Foundation for Democratic Reforms (FDR) based on the findings by an Independent Group of Experts (IGE).

“The report deals with Special Category Status (SCS), which has now become a people’s issue,” Mr. Ramakrishna said.

On the SCS, the IGE suggested three options to the Central government – concessions to the backward areas; tax benefits beyond what was promised but short of amount grated to the SCS States; and identification of backward areas across the country and extending full tax benefits to them, including those in A.P., he said.

“In addition, massive infrastructure projects need to be taken up in A.P. with 100 % contribution from the Centre in a time-bound programme. These, along with initiatives to promote investments and create jobs, should be taken up,” he added.

Amount due

The IGE insisted that all the 11 nationally important projects promised should be fully established by 2024. “Only ₹842 crore, which is 6.63% of the total project cost of ₹12,746 crore, has been released by the Centre,” the report stated. On the promised development assistance to the backward areas, the IGE said, “The Union should take steps to implement the special package of ₹24,350 crore within five years.” The report touched upon “meagre allocations” to capital city development.

Roads, storm-water drains, flood-proofing, sanitation and sewerage, drinking water, rapid connectivity and mass rapid transport system should be regarded as essential infrastructure, the report suggested.

FDR general secretary and IGE convener Jayaprakash Narayan, Chancellor of Central University of Gujarat Yoginder K Alagh, Head and professor of economics, Indian Statistical Institute, Atul Sharma, former Chief Justice of Himachal Pradesh M.N. Rao, former Union Home Secretary K. Padmanabhaiah, and former A.P. Chief Secretary Ajay Kallam spoke.

Expert group suggests three options to centre on special category to state


చట్టంలోని అంశాలూ అమలు చేయరా?


ఏపీకి ఉదారంగా తోడ్పాటు అందించండి


ప్రభుత్వంలో ఎవరున్నా హామీలు అమలు చేయాలి


రాష్ట్ర లోటును కేంద్రమే భర్తీ చేయాలి


Thursday, January 24, 2019

సంక్షిప్త భారతం.. స్వామి వివేకానంద


పట్టణ ప్రాంత ఓటర్ల జాబితాల్లో అవకతవకలు


యువతకు వివేకానందుడే ఆదర్శం


వివేకానందుడి సూక్తుల్లో అంతరార్థం గ్రహించాలి


వివేకానందుడే స్ఫూర్తి


సమాజహితమే వ్యక్తికి హితం


ప్రజాస్వామ్యంలో ఓటు తప్ప వేరే ఆయుధం లేదు


ఆధ్యాత్మిక భావనే సమాజ హితం



నివురుగప్పిన శక్తిని బయటకు తీయండి


పోస్టాఫీసులను ఓటరు నమోదు శాశ్వత కేంద్రాలుగా ప్రకటించాలి


Monday, January 21, 2019

The 10% quota for poor will not end deprivation - Jayaprakash Narayan

Reservation will be futile unless we improve the quality of school education for the poor and disadvantaged sections

In contemporary India, no other issue captures the imagination of the public as much as reservations. The agitations of the Patidars, Jats, Marathas, Kapus, Muslims and various other groups for quotas in higher education and government jobs have now become endemic. The extraordinary speed with which the Parliament approved the 103rd amendment to the Constitution providing for 10% reservation for economically backward sections shows that parties are sensitive to public mood and want to please all groups — hoping that offering all sections a slice is the best way to put a stop to further quotas.

In this backdrop, we need to address five questions. One, will the amendment pass judicial scrutiny? Two, are the criteria identified by the government for economic backwardness satisfactory? Three, will this step rationalise reservations and ensure fairness and harmony? Four, can reservations fulfil the objectives of providing opportunity and social justice? And five, can government employment be an effective tool for social justice?

First, the legal issues. The amendment faces two hurdles: the basic structure of the doctrine and the 50% cap on reservations. Supreme Court verdicts have repeatedly held that Articles 15 and 16 are part of the basic structure of the Constitution. The court , therefore, has the power to review the amendment. If it is held valid, then the larger question of a 50% cap needs to be addressed. The court has rightly held that equality of treatment is the norm, and reservation for disadvantaged groups should be the exception limited to a maximum of 50%. It may be difficult for the court to accept that the exception can extend to 60%.

If the amendment passes both these tests, then the operational issues will have to be addressed. The government’s proposal of a ~8 lakh annual household income is too high a ceiling, and probably covers over 90% of the population. Given our notorious laxity and corruption, it is very hard to exclude groups on the basis of income, especially the employees outside the organised sector. In addition to a more reasonable income cap of, say ~2.5 lakh, we need to identify reliable criteria for eligibility. Parental education (school-level or illiterate), and the school the child attended (government school or low-end private school of, say, with an annual fee less than ~6,000) are far more reliable in identifying deprivation and eligibility.

Our current model of reservation has led to enormous distortions and heartburn. The amendment is only palliative, and fails to rationalise the system. Now, most of real benefits of prized higher education opportunities or high-end government jobs go mostly to children of families, which benefited significantly from reservations. The poor among those classes of people have little opportunity to compete. Excluding the creamy layer in all reservations is vital to spread opportunities to the truly disadvantaged. The real challenge of deprivation is the failure of school education, which is the foundation of opportunity, equity and capacity building in any society. The recently released ASER surveys show that in rural India 27% of children in 8th standard cannot read a 2nd standard level text. Reservation in higher education and public employment as a tool of social justice is futile unless we dramatically improve real outcomes of school education for the poor and disadvantaged sections.

Finally, out of the 400 million workers in India, the organised sector comprises less than 10%. Of the organised workers, government and the public sector employ fewer than half. But public sector workers are generally paid 2-4 times the market wages, have lifetime job security, are largely unproductive and unaccountable. How can employment in less than 5% of workforce be the solution to the problem of deprivation? Our women’s participation in labour force is only 27%—one of the lowest in the world. Can there be upward mobility or poverty reduction without creation of hard, wage-earning, productive jobs? Given this, the debate is oblivious of the needs of India. Our political discourse and public policies are increasingly divorced from people’s lives.

Courtesy: Hindustan Times

ఏ.పి.కి విభజన హామీలపై స్వతంత్ర నిపుణుల నివేదికను అన్ని ప్రధాన పార్టీల నేతలకూ పంపిన జేపీ


22న అనపర్తి, రాజమండ్రిల్లో జేపీ పర్యటన


నాయకత్వ లక్షణాలు అభివృద్ధి చేసుకోవాలి


అవకాశాలను సద్వినియోగం చేసుకోవాలి


విద్యార్థి దశలోనే వ్యవస్థాపక లక్షణాలు అలవర్చుకోవాలి